Why Trump says he does not need NATO in the Strait of Hormuz

Why Trump says he does not need NATO in the Strait of Hormuz

The energy markets are currently screaming, and the world is looking at a map of the Middle East with a sense of dread. For the third week in a row, the Strait of Hormuz—the most vital artery in the global oil trade—remains effectively under Iranian control. President Donald Trump, true to his established playbook, has spent the last 48 hours oscillating between demanding help from NATO allies and claiming he doesn’t want it anyway.

It’s a classic case of high-stakes geopolitical ghosting. Trump is publicly disappointed that European capitals aren't jumping at the chance to send warships into a combat zone, but he’s also quick to remind everyone that the U.S. is "the strongest nation in the world" and can handle the situation solo. The reality? This isn't just about oil or ships. It’s a loyalty test for an alliance that Trump has long viewed as a "one-way street."

The ultimatum delivered from Air Force One

While flying back from Florida on Sunday, Trump didn't mince words. He told reporters that he’s in talks with "about seven" countries to help police the strait. The catch? He’s framing this not as a favor to the U.S., but as a basic obligation for the countries that actually use the oil flowing through that narrow 21-mile-wide chokepoint.

"I'm demanding that these countries come in and protect their own territory, because it is their territory," Trump said. His logic is straightforward: since the U.S. is now a net exporter of energy and doesn't rely on the Persian Gulf like it used to, why should American taxpayers and sailors shoulder the entire burden?

He’s even gone as far as to suggest that the very future of NATO is at risk. Speaking with the Financial Times, he warned that a lack of cooperation would be "very bad for the future of NATO." It’s a bold threat that links maritime security in the Middle East—traditionally outside NATO’s primary scope—to the survival of the North Atlantic pact itself.

Why the allies are saying no

If you think Germany or France are about to rush frigates to the Gulf, you haven't been paying attention. The pushback from Europe has been blunt. German Defense Minister Boris Pistorius basically asked what a "handful of European frigates" could do that the U.S. Navy can't do better. His sentiment was echoed across the continent: "This is not our war."

The European perspective is that the U.S. and Israel initiated this conflict with Iran without full consultation with their allies. Now that the Strait of Hormuz is blocked and oil prices are hitting $100 a barrel, they aren't keen on being "dragged into" what they see as a wider regional war.

  • United Kingdom: Prime Minister Keir Starmer has stayed firm, stating that the UK won't be drawn into a wider war.
  • Germany: Chancellor Friedrich Merz’s administration has stated clearly that this isn't a NATO mission.
  • Italy and Greece: Both have ruled out military involvement, preferring to stick to "defensive" missions like Operation Aspides in the Red Sea.

The paper tiger argument

In one of his more contradictory turns, Trump also claimed that Iran is a "paper tiger" and that their military has been "decimated" by two weeks of U.S. and Israeli airstrikes. If Iran is truly that weak, the allies are asking, why does the U.S. need a seven-nation coalition to reopen a waterway?

Trump’s response is that he’s basically testing them. "I'm almost doing it... because I want to find out how they react," he admitted. He’s been saying for years that if the U.S. ever really needed its allies, they wouldn't be there. In his mind, their current hesitation is just proof that he was right all along.

A new world order for maritime security

The U.S. has already moved to provide political risk insurance through the Development Finance Corporation to keep some trade moving, but that’s a band-aid on a gunshot wound. Without active naval escorts, commercial tankers aren't going to risk the Iranian drones and mines currently littering the strait.

What we’re seeing is a fundamental shift in how global trade routes are protected. For decades, the U.S. Navy acted as the world's "global sheriff," ensuring free navigation for everyone—including rivals like China. Trump is signaling that those days are over. If you want your oil to arrive safely, you better be ready to send your own warships to protect it.

He even called out China, noting they get the vast majority of their oil through that strait. His message to Beijing is the same as his message to Brussels: start "policing" or start paying more at the pump.

The immediate fallout

Don't expect a NATO-led mission anytime soon. The alliance's charter is focused on the North Atlantic, and there's zero appetite in Europe to expand that mandate to the Persian Gulf. Instead, the U.S. will likely continue its "maximum pressure" campaign with a "coalition of the willing"—which, for now, looks mostly like the U.S. and Israel.

If you’re watching the markets, keep an eye on the "enthusiasm" levels Trump mentioned. If he can’t get the UK or France on board, he might just decide to let the "beneficiaries" of the strait deal with the consequences of high oil prices themselves. It’s a high-risk strategy that could leave the global economy in the lurch, but it’s exactly the kind of disruption Trump believes is necessary to force his "ungrateful" allies to finally pay up.

If you're following the energy sector, look for the U.S. to ramp up its own domestic production even further as a hedge against a prolonged closure. The era of the U.S. protecting global commons for free is officially on life support.

LY

Lily Young

With a passion for uncovering the truth, Lily Young has spent years reporting on complex issues across business, technology, and global affairs.